Lessons from Waco

Understanding the chaos of cults and sects.

Caleb Rosado, Ph.D., is professor of sociology at Humboldt State University in California where he specializes in the sociology of religion. He is a frequent contributor to Ministry.

The world watched in horror as a fatal inferno ended the standoff between an armed cult and U.S. law enforcement officers. The 51-day drama outside Waco, Texas, began Sun day morning, February 28, 1993, when some 100 agents stormed the Branch Davidian compound to confiscate illegal weapons. Cult members responded with gunfire that killed four lawmen. The ensuing siege climaxed in the fiery destruction of the cult's compound and scores of its members.

Shockingly, those who fired on the federal agents belonged to a religious organization. Whatever happened to "turn the other cheek" and "blessed are the peacemakers"? News reporters referred to the group as "the Branch Davidians of Seventh-day Adventists." That preposition of has raised great concern among Seventh-day Adventists. What can the church do to protect itself from the bad press that arises from misdeeds of former members?1 And what can any church do to prevent the spawning of cults and sects?

First, we must clarify the difference between a cult 2 and a sect. Some media reports of the Waco tragedy labeled the Branch Davidians as a cult; others called them a sect.3 This confusion can be resolved if we understand the process of secularization and its relationship to religion.

Religion and secularization

When the First Amendment became part of the Constitution of the United States, it prohibited Congress from passing a law establishing religion or preventing its free exercise. Learning from the experience of Europe, Congress shunned state religion or a state church.

The unique result became what Rodney Stark calls a "religious economy" the vast market of diverse religious groups competing to attract converts or clientele.4 This religious economy gives rise to religious pluralism, defined here as a large number of competing religious groups seeking to meet the spiritual needs of a diverse population. In religious pluralism no particular group dominates.5 This policy contrasts sharply with other countries where religious monopolies exist, and the state favors one group.

Sociologists most often use the term church in a technical sense to refer to the dominant religious institution in a country, such as the Roman Catholic Church in Italy, Spain, or Poland. In a religiously pluralistic market such as the United States, we do not find a dominant church, but competing denominations.6

Almost all religious faiths begin as otherworldly groups, conservative in belief and behavior. In time, however, they accommodate to their societal environment and lose their spiritual fervor. This move toward worldliness concerned John Wesley. Realizing that a religious revival could not be sustained, he ob served: "I fear, wherever riches have increased, the essence of religion has decreased in the same proportion. There fore I do not see how it is possible, in the nature of things, for any revival of true religion to continue long. For religion must necessarily produce both industry and frugality, and these cannot but produce riches. But as riches increase, so will pride, anger, and love of the world in all its branches. How then is it possible that Methodism, that is, a religion of the heart, though it flourishes now as a green bay tree, should continue in this state? For the Methodists in every place grow diligent and frugal; consequently they increase in goods. Hence they proportionately increase in pride, in anger, in the desire of the flesh, the desire of the eyes, and the pride of life. So, although the form of religion remains, the spirit is swiftly vanishing away. Is there no way to prevent this this continual decay of pure religion?" 7

Wesley was describing the process of secularization whereby the supernatural declines in significance. Secularization gives rise to secularism, a way of life that negates the influence of the supernatural in both belief and behavior. But the gradual process from sacred to secular becomes self-limiting in that spiritual decline often gives rise to revival and cult formation.8

During the 1960s a decline of religion in mainline churches, as measured by the drop in attendance and membership,9 seemed to signify a loss of interest in religion. We observed the "God is dead" movement now dead itself. People failed to realize that religious interest had not died but shifted to growing conservative denominations.10 Stark and Bainbridge suggest that God merely changed residences: "The scholars in the heart of Christendom who proclaim the death of God have been fooled by a simple change of residence. Faith lives in the sects and sect-like denominations, and in the hearts of the overwhelming majority of individual persons. New hopes enter the marketplace of religion with every new cult movement. . . .

"Far from marking a radical departure in history and an era of faithlessness, secularization is an age-old process of transformation. In an endless cycle, faith is revived and new faiths born to take the places of those withered denominations that lost their sense of the supernatural. Through secularization, churches reduce their tension with the surrounding sociocultural environment, opening fields for sects and cults to grow and, in turn, themselves to be trans formed." 11

To Stark and Bainbridge, secularization "does not end the human need for religion"; on the contrary, it encourages religious experimentation. 12 This experimentation provides entrance for sects and cults, since "secularization means the transformation of religion, not its destruction." 13 When religion becomes too secular, either revival will break out in sect formation or there will be novel religious innovations seen in the emergence of cults. Sects and cults are two quite different responses to secularization.

Sects

We can define a sect as a religious group that claims to be the true expression of a traditional religious faith, and whose beliefs and behaviors challenge the norms of society. Sects are break away, schismatic groups that "present themselves to the world as something old. They left the parent body, not to form a new faith, but to reestablish the old one from which the parent body had 'drifted' (usually by becoming more church-like). Sects claim to be the authentic, purged, refurbished version of the faith from which they split. Luther, for example, did not claim to be leading a new church but the true church, free of worldly encrustations." 14Christianity itself began as a sect of Judaism.

We find expressions of renewal in most religious organizations. For example, Seventh-day Adventists began after various believers broke away from Methodist, Baptist, and other mainline denominations to form the Millerite movement, which heralded the anticipated coming of Christ on October 22, 1844. After that Great Disappointment, many Adventists recovered and went on to reclaim biblical teachings they felt other churches had neglected.

Because of the beliefs that a sect recovers, it may represent the genuine expression of the original faith. Over the years Seventh-day Adventists have viewed themselves this way. And Adventists are not alone in holding such a view. To H. Richard Niebuhr, the Figure 1 denominational aspect of a religious organization represents accommodation to the world, "the church's confession of defeat and the symbol of its surrender." 15 But God's true people can never be totally at home on this earth. Why? The gospel remains at odds with this world (see 1 Cor. 1:18-31). Thus, a sect can be the purer form of religious expression, divorced from the influences of outside society.

Cults

A cult, in contrast, is a new religious movement that represents a radical break from existing religious traditions. Some times a sect becomes "the beginning phase of an entirely new religion"—a cult.16 While we call first-century Christianity a sect of Judaism, it was a cult to the various religions in pagan Rome (such as Mithraism, which Christianity replaced by the fourth century). Whether domestic or imported, a cult represents a new and different form of religious expression in society.

We need to make four additional points about sects and cults. First, though sects and cults differ, they are not "functional alternatives" to secularization. Rather they are different responses to secularization at different stages of the process. "Sect formation is, in part, a response to early stages of weakness in the [religion] provided by the conventional churches. Cult formation tends to erupt in later stages of church [or denominational] weakness, when large sectors of the population have drifted away from all organizational ties to the prevailing faiths." 17 (See Figure 1.)

Second, because sects are concerned with revival, they tend to proliferate in areas where conservative religions are strongest. Cults, however, tend to emerge where secularization has had the strongest effect on religion, areas weak in traditional religion. 18

Third, not all revivals result in sect formation. There may be occasional periods of spiritual renewal in an organization, moving it back from the brink of spiritual decline and secularism. Seventh-day Adventists have experienced several of these episodic revivals in over seas fields, such as Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and on college campuses in the United States. The fact that these have taken place in less-developed societies and on college campuses is not coincidental, since change usually starts with groups that have the least invested in the prevailing system and therefore have little to lose but much to gain with spiritual change.

Fourth, it is also possible for a sectarian group to evolve into a cult. This is the significance of the broken arrow in the above graphic, showing that a sect can sometimes become a cult. This takes place when a sect's teaching ceases to be a return to "old truths," and becomes "new light," so that it moves the group completely away from past connections, resulting in the emergence of a "new religion." 19 This was the case of the Peoples' Temple and Jim Jones. It began as an emotionally charged Christian sect, with Jones after nine years being ordained by the Disciples of Christ, that evolved into a cult when Jim Jones began to regard himself as God and moved into extremes of doctrine and behavior.20 The same became true with the Branch Davidians, which began as a sect under Victor Houteff and evolved into a cult under the leadership of Ben Roden and then David Koresh.

Established sects

As cited previously, Seventh-day Adventism is a sect, though it is becoming more and more accommodated to this world—in other words, more denomination-like, especially in areas where its institutions such as hospitals and colleges dominate. In such places revivals usually break out, as mentioned earlier. Black and Latino Adventist churches tend to be more sectarian in tension with the world and separatist than White Euro-American churches.

This is partly owing to the reality that society, with its racial and class hostility, is in tension with persons of color, who in turn seek refuge in the church.21 To say that the Adventist Church is a sect is not to suggest something negative, but to recognize how it emerged on the American scene, its growth and development, and its doctrinal beliefs.

Because of their numerical growth, institutional presence, and global organization, Seventh-day Adventists more specifically reflect the sociological topology of an established sect. This category best describes Adventism because the very term itself, established sect, reflects a duality, a dynamic tension. William H. Swatos, Jr., describes this as a "seeming contradictoriness ..., 'sect' indicating world rejection yet 'established' connoting world acceptance." 22

Figure 2 shows that there are degrees of sectarian tension. Sect and church/ denomination are polar opposites. Be tween them are degrees of sectarian and denominational development.

Stark and Bainbridge assert: "The ideal sect falls at one pole, where the surrounding tension is so great that sect members are hunted fugitives." 23 Such was the case of the early church under Judaism and the Roman Empire, and then under the Spanish Inquisition. "The ideal church [or denomination] anchors the other end of the continuum and virtually is the sociocultural environment—the two are so merged that it is impossible to postulate a basis for tension." 24 Such was the position of the Roman Catholic Church during the Middle Ages, and is the situation of many North American mainline denominations and European state churches.

In time, as an otherworldly group progresses and becomes an established sect, on its way to becoming a denomination, schismatic groups will appear, or what Adventists call "offshoot organizations" or "apostate movements." These are sects that break away from the main sect, in this case the Seventh-day Adventist Church.25 Since the church's beginnings, several offshoot or other sectarian groups have emerged. Besides key individuals such as Dr. John Harvey Kellogg, A. T. Jones, D. M. Canright, A. F. Ballenger, and Desmond Ford, there have been splinter groups such as the Messenger party (1853-1854); The Hope of Israel and the Marion party (1858, 1866); the Seventh-day Adventist Reform Movement German (1915); the Reformed Seventh-day Adventists Rowenite (1916); the United Sabbath Day Adventists (1930); and the Shepherd's Rod movement (1929), which later took the name Davidian Seventh-day Adventists.26 As can be noted or assumed from the names of these various groups, and similar to Martin Luther's attitude toward Catholicism and William Miller's attitude toward Protestant churches in the 1830s and 1840s, these groups were interested not necessarily in breaking with the church, but in reforming it. Each believed they had "new light," and were the "authentic, purged, refurbished version of the faith." 27 But because they were found to be wanting both theologically and sociologically (in terms of behavior and attitude), relations were severed.

Branch Davidians

The Davidians emerged in the person of Victor Houteff, a Bulgarian and a member of a Seventh-day Adventist congregation in Los Angeles. In 1929 he was espousing his teachings in a Sabbath school class he taught. In 1930 he published his teachings in The Shepherd's Rod, from which he took the initial name of the group. There is no space in this brief article to go into his teachings, which focused on Bible prophecy.28 Essentially the group believed that God would restore the kingdom of David, of which the Davidians were the core group, after God had slaughtered the Seventh-day Adventists who rejected the Shepherd's Rod message. "The 144,000 would be Seventh-day Adventists left over from the slaughter of Ezekiel 9." 29

Disfellowshipped in 1930, Houteff and 11 followers (including children) moved to Waco, Texas,30 a religiously conservative area with at present some 200 churches, most of them fundamentalist. (Keep in mind what was said earlier about sects flourishing in areas where traditional religion is strong.) They bought property near the city and called their place Mount Carmel, after the biblical place where Elijah over came the prophets of Baal.31

In 1942 the group took on the official name of Davidian Seventh-day Adventists, because of government regulations during World War II. Houteff died in 1955. He left no successor as president of the Davidians, since he did not expect to see death. But already beforehand, as is common with new sects, splinter groups were emerging because of disagreements with Houteff's teachings.32 Into this confusion stepped Houteff s widow, Florence, who took over the leadership of the group.

In 1959 she predicted that God would intervene in history and establish the kingdom of David. Some 1,000 people sold everything and gathered at Mount Carmel to await the restoration of the kingdom, but the prophecy failed.33 After the big letdown, more splinter groups emerged, but the one founded by Benjamin Roden, Branch Davidian, became the largest and most important. In 1962 Florence Houteff officially disbanded the Davidian Seventh-day Adventists,34 though a number of Davidian groups continued to operate without connection to the Branch Davidians in Waco.

At this time in the process of sect transformation, the Davidians shifted over to become a cult, the Branch Davidians (the significance of the broken arrow in Figure 1). The process of sect-to-cult shift took place with the emergence of splinter groups that began to espouse, not new/old teachings, as sects do, but radically new teachings that fundamentally broke with the Bible, basic Christianity, and Seventh-day Adventism. Ultimately their leader came to regard himself as King David and Jesus Christ. He also made extreme demands and behavioral expectations of his followers.

Roden relocated the Mount Carmel center to its present location, not far from the original site. He claimed to be the anti-typical David, but in 1978 he died. His wife, Lois Roden, took over the group and, now stronger than ever, espoused the teaching that her husband had not supported that the Holy Spirit was the feminine part of the Godhead. She began publishing a magazine called Shekinah, with emphasis on she. Lois Roden also promoted the ordination of women.35

In 1981 former Adventist Vernon Howell joined the group and soon wrested leadership from George Roden, son of Lois and Ben Roden, after an open confrontation that involved gunfire. Howell changed his name to David Koresh, pro claiming his belief that he too was the anti-typical David of the Bible, and Koresh—Hebrew for Cyrus, king of Persia, of whom the Bible says that God would "direct all his ways," and that he would rebuild the city of Jerusalem and let the captives go free (Isa. 45:13). All of which David Koresh applied to him self.

Koresh also taught that he was a sinful incarnation of Jesus Christ. And because he was Christ, only he could have sexual relations with the women in the compound. Additionally, only he could open the seven seals of the book of Revelation. Koresh exploited his vast knowledge of the Scriptures to suit his own interests and manipulate his followers into submission.

The lust of power

More can be said about Koresh, but four things with which he became obsessed raise important questions. Why the obsession with the seven seals and the belief that he alone could open them? Why the centralizing of possessions and controlling of the money? Why the obsession with graphic, promiscuous sex that he alone could engage in? Why the obsession with guns and high-powered weapons?

While all four factors are on the surface vastly different, they all have one important common denominator—power! David Koresh, like most cult leaders (Jim Jones, Charles Manson, and others), became obsessed with power. All of us desire power, for without power we are helpless, and there is nothing meaningful about a powerless existence. But the right use of power is based on choice, not coercion. That is how God uses power—without violating free moral choice. 36 So why these four areas?

In an age of rapid social and cultural change where all social values are for sale, spiritual confusion results. Some people become vulnerable to a cult leader who stands up and proclaims that he or she alone holds the key to unlock the future and give meaning to history and daily living. When the cult leader has charisma, persuasion, and a profound knowledge of the Bible, he exudes a tremendous source of personal power, generating much adulation and personal esteem from followers, many of whom are neophytes in biblical understanding. Such is the significance behind the claim to be the only one to open the seven seals of the book of Revelation, a complex series of prophecies not many Christians understand.37

We live in a society where money is regarded as one of the greatest sources of power. According to the apostle Paul, it is the love of money that lies at the root of all kinds of evil (1 Tim. 6:10). By extension, wealth and possessions be come a source of independence and a manifestation of self-will. When members joined Koresh's group, all forms of independence had to be relinquished, including the ownership of material possessions. Depriving members of outside influences, Koresh not only centralized wealth in himself but also controlled the group, making it completely dependent on him.

Sex has always been one of the strongest of human drives and one of the most violent weapons used against women. One only needs to reflect on the use of rape as a weapon of war, with the most recent example being its use against the women of Bosnia-Herzegovina by the Serbians. Couple this source of power with the concept that women must be submissive to men in absolutely every thing to the point that they have no personal conscience. Koresh urged the Davidian women to help him as the sinful Christ experience sin so that he could save sinful human beings. In doing so, he promised they would be "queens in heaven." 38 The total force of deceptions together gave Koresh tremendous power to manipulate and control.

In a violent society such as ours, the ultimate source of power lies in weaponry. Extreme cult leaders like Manson, Jones, and Koresh have bought into Mao Tse-Tung' s philosophy: "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun." Koresh's obsession with guns was nothing more than a latching on to the final form of power—the ability to inflict death. For Jim Jones it was the power to convince people to inflict death willingly on them selves. That's power! For Koresh, opening the seven seals, controlling the money and possessions of his followers, having exclusive use of the women for sexual purposes, and possessing a weapons arsenal comprised four levels of power, the ultimate form of which is the ability to control life and death. Thus, it is not who dies, but who determines the time, place, and manner of death that is the one with the power.

The charred corpses of an estimated 86 men, women, and children bore grisly testimony that the most seductive force in the world is power. It is the one thing human beings crave most, and in order to possess it the most heinous crimes are committed. While Koresh's departure in a blaze of self-inflicted glory may not have been his preferred climax to the siege, it did allow him to control the final outcome. He took the lust for power to its ultimate limit.

1 This question will not be addressed in this
article since it is the topic of research I am
currently engaged in for a paper, "The Sociology of
Damage Control The Seventh-day Adventist
Church and the Branch Davidians of Waco,
Texas," I will be presenting at the annual meeting
of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion,
October 29-31, 1993, in Raleigh, North Carolina.

2 Because the term cult has such a negative
connotation in popular thinking, sociologists of
ten prefer the term new religious movement. But
Eileen Barker, one of England's leading sociolo
gists on NRMs, and author of the book New
Religious Movements: A Practical Introduction, says:
"Some are not new, some are not religious, and
some are not moving at all" (as quoted by Andrew
Brown, "Over the Edge Into Collective Lunacy,"
Independent, Mar. 4, 1993 ([a London, England,
newspaper]).


3 See "Secrets of the Cult," Newsweek, Mar.
15, 1993; "In the Name of God," Time, Mar. 15,
1993; "The Evil Messiah," People, Mar. 15,1993.
The newspaper stories are too numerous to list,
since virtually all newspapers carried the story
during the first two weeks of March 1993 and
beyond. The principal newspaper that published
an important series on the group was the Waco
Tribune-Herald. The four-part series was run Feb
ruary 27-March 2, 1993.


4 Rodney Stark, Sociology, 4th ed. (Belmont,
Calif.: Wadsworth Pub. Co., 1992), p. 410. For a
fuller elaboration of the religious-economy paradigm,
see Roger Finke and Rodney Stark, The
Churching of America, 1776-1990 (New
Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992);
and R. Stephen Warner, "Work in Progress To
wards a New Paradigm for the Sociological Study
of Religion in the United States," American Journal
of Sociology 99 (March 1993).

5 The specter of the mass suicide of the members
of the Peoples Temple in Guyana, the World
Trade Center bombing with connections to Muslim
extremists, and the Branch Davidian standoff
in Waco are again raising questions as to whether
religion ought to be regulated. For a discussion of
this issue, see Thomas Robbins, William C. Shepherd,
and James McBride, Cults, Culture, and the
Law: Perspectives on New Religious Movements
(Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1985).


6 See H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources
of Denominationalism (New York: Henry Holt,
1929), for how denominations develop in response
to their environment.


7 As quoted in Niebuhr, p. 70.


8 See Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge,
The Future of Religion: Secularization, Revival,
and Cult Formation (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California, 1985).

9 See Wade Clark Roof and William
McKinney, American Mainline Religion: Its
Changing Shape and Future (New Brunswick,
NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1987).

10 See Dean Kelley, Why Conservative
Churches Are Growing (New York: Harper and
Row, 1972).


11 Stark and Bainbridge, p. 529.

12 Ibid., p. 304.

13 Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge,
A Theory of Religion (New York: Peter Lang,
1987), p. 279.

14 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of
Religion, p. 25.


15 Niebuhr, p. 265.


16 Keith A. Roberts, Religion in a Sociological
Perspective (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Pub.
Co., 1990), p. 196.


17 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of
Religion, pp. 444, 445.

18 See both works of Stark and Bainbridge, The
Future of Religion (1985) and A Theory of
Religion (1987), as well as Finke and Stark, The
Churching of America, 1776-1990.

19 Stark and Bainbridge, A Theory of Religion,
pp. 186, 187.


20 See Jeannie Mills, Six Years With God: Life
Inside Rev. Jim Jones Peoples Temple (New York:
A&W Pub., Inc., 1979). See also Mel White,
Deceived (Old Tappan, N.J.: Fleming H. Revell Co.,
1979).


21 For the experience of the Black church, see
C. Eric Lincoln, The Black Experience Into Religion
 (New York: Anchor Books, 1974); and C.
Eric Lincoln and Lawrence H. Mamiya, The Black
Church in the African-American Experience
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990). No
comparable study has been written about the Latino
church. Work, however, is under way.


22 William H. Swatos Jr. IntroDenominationalism:
The Anglican Metamorphosis, Monograph
Series 2 (Storrs, Conn.: Society for the Scientific
Study of Religion, 1979), p. 12. For an excellent
study of this duality in Adventism see Gary
Schwartz, Sect Ideologies and Social Status
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970); and the
most recent study by Malcolm Bull and Keith
Lockhart, Seeking a Sanctuary: Seventh-Day
Adventism and the American Dream (New York:
Harper and Row, 1989).

23 Stark and Bainbridge, The Future of Religion,
p. 23.

24 Ibid.

25 Church is used here in its more popular and
nonsociological sense, meaning a religious
organization.

26 For information on all these groups, see the
Seventh-day Adventist Encyclopedia (Washing
ton, D.C.: Review and Herald Pub. Assn., 1976).

27 See the definition of sect given earlier in this
article.

28 Several documents were published by the
Committee on Defense Literature of the General
Conference of Seventh-day Adventists briefly
delineating the teachings of the Davidians: The
History and Teachings of "The Shepherd's Rod":
The Story of the "Shepherd's Rod" (1955); Some
Teachings of the Shepherd's Rod Examined
(1956); Report of a Meeting Between a Group of
"Shepherd's Rod" Leaders and a Group of Gen
eral Conference Ministers (1959).

29 Marc A. Breault, "Some Background on the
Branch Davidian Seventh-day Adventist
Movement From 1955 to the Early Part of 1991," un
published manuscript, Apr. 17,1991, revised May
27, 1991.

30 The name Waco is an anglicization of the
Spanish word hueco, meaning "hole."

31 1 Kings 18:20-40.

32 See The History and Teachings of "The
Shepherd's Rod": The Story of the "Shepherd's
Rod."

33 Breault. For a discussion of how religious
groups respond when prophecy fails, see Leon
Festinger, Henry W. Riecken, and Stanley
Schachter, When Prophecy Fails (New York:
Harper and Row, 1956).

34 "Davidian SDA's Shepherd's Rod,"
Seventh-day Adventist Encyclopedia.


35 See SHEKINAH, vol. 1:1, Dec., 1980. The
magazine, an 8" x 11" newspaper format publication,
consists not only of articles by cult members
but also reproductions of articles on the teachings
of the group from national and area newspapers.

36 See Caleb Rosado, "The Stewardship of
Power," Ministry, July 1989.

37 For an understanding of David Koresh's
teachings on the seven seals, see Marc A. Breault,
"Vernon Howell and the Seven Seals," photocop
ied document, n.d.

38 Ibid.,p. 15.


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Caleb Rosado, Ph.D., is professor of sociology at Humboldt State University in California where he specializes in the sociology of religion. He is a frequent contributor to Ministry.

July 1993

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