The rise and fall of Adventist women in leadership

At the dawn of the nineteenth century in the United States, women held approximately the same legal status as children and slaves. Married women generally could not own property independent of their husbands. If they were employed, their wages could be appropriated by their husbands. Legal say about children resided entirely in the father's hands.¹ Women were not admitted to colleges or universities. They were not allowed to enter professions. They could not vote or hold an office. And they were not permitted to speak in public.²

Whenever these customs and laws were tested by proposals to change or enlarge women's role in the home, church, or society, emotional debate was likely to ensue.

Given the constraints on nineteenth-century women in general, what were the attitudes in the early Adventist Church toward women? How does this compare with what was happening to women in other Christian groups? Was Ellen White an exception in our ranks, or did a significant number of Adventist women serve as elected leaders and public figures? What trends have emerged over the past I50 years?

This article will briefly examine these questions and give evidence of the waxing and waning of Adventist women in leadership and ministerial positions.

Separate and unequal

The reasons offered in the early 1800s for the low social status of women were not new, harking back to Greek and Roman times. Women were thought of as physically weak, intellectually feeble, and emotionally unstable. Therefore, they were assigned a separate sphere from men in human affairs.

The moral worth of women was also debated through the centuries. Aristotle theorized that females were "misbegotten" males. They are "weaker and colder in nature," he said, "and we must look upon the female character as being a sort of natural deficiency."³ Thomas Aquinas (1227-1274) thought Aristotle went rather far. He reasoned that anything "misbegotten" would not have been made at creation. Still, the only work Aquinas could imagine woman helping man with was procreation. In everything else, a "man can be more efficiently helped by an other man."⁴

Such views persisted in the nineteenth century. In 1840 a writer for Godey's Lady's Book, one of the earliest magazines for women in the U.S., defined woman as "the connecting link . . . between man and the inferior animals, possessing a central rank between the mysterious instinct of the latter and the unattainable energies of the former."⁵

Gospel soil

Christian teachings were often used to confine women. Yet the seeds of change that came to modify the role of women in society sprang not from secular sources but from gospel soil.

Hints of this came in the 1740s as the first Great Awakening swept England and the American colonies. Religion propelled women out of the shadows. "The conversion experience itself, for example, became a public ritual in which women were encouraged to join."

John Wesley, founder of Methodism in England, took another step by giving women public responsibilities, at first in small groups of other women. Next, he "welcomed their public speaking as it took the forms of prayer, personal testimony, exhortation, and exposition on religious literature."⁶

While mainline churches such as Presbyterians, Lutherans, and Episcopalians lagged behind in expanding women's roles, the new evangelical groups quickly gave women a voice.⁷ In England George Fox argued from Scripture that women's equality and their speaking in public could be justified. Emboldened by this vision, women preachers crossed the Atlantic and endured enormous hardship—even torture and death—to share Quaker ideals in America.⁸

If such ideas blossomed in the Great Awakening, what occurred in the Second Great Awakening (1787-1825)? Once again the convicting power of the gospel spurred many women out of traditional roles.⁹

Among the earliest reforms in which American women participated publicly was the anti-slavery movement. Awakened and energized by Christian principles, women soon began to spearhead other social reforms. They rallied tens of thousands to join the Women's Christian Temperance Union. They worked tirelessly to improve conditions in mental asylums, prisons, hospitals, and schools. Through diligence and self-sacrifice they organized and funded great missionary societies that reached India, Africa, China, and the islands of the sea.

Ellen's world

In 1827 Ellen Harmon was born into a Methodist home in Maine. Hope and excitement seized her, her parents, and siblings as William Miller preached that Christ would come in 1843 or 1844. Although the Harmons were disfellowshipped by their local congregation for their fervent Adventist belief, it seems likely that they retained many Methodist views and worship practices.

The occasion of Ellen's first vision should be noted here. After the Great Disappointment, she was in a small group of other young women to study and pray—a setting considered appropriate for evangelical women of the day.

It was these young women, along with the Harmon family and others, who encouraged Ellen to accept what she considered a startling and over whelming call—the call to speak publicly, and to mixed audiences, about her unusual personal religious experience. Some of her reluctance to do this stemmed from her youth, shyness, and poor health. But for a woman to pray or speak publicly to both men and women was a daring thing in those days, even in religious circles.

In 1889 Ellen recalled that her own brother had begged her not to go public. "I beg of you do not disgrace the family. I will do anything for you if you will not go out as a preacher," he wrote to her. Ellen replied, "Can it disgrace the family for me to preach Christ and him crucified! If you would give me all the gold your house could hold, I would not cease giving my testimony for God."¹⁰

When revivalist Charles Finney began to allow women to assume public roles in 1827, fellow revivalists accused him of supporting a cause that would split churches."Phoebe Palmer, a Methodist preacher, was frequently challenged about the appropriateness of her public work. In 1859 she published a 429-page book in defense of women who spoke in church, launching her biblical arguments from Joel 2:28.¹²

Early Adventist views

Joel 2 was familiar ground for early Seventh-day Adventists for similar reasons. To deflect criticism about the public and prophetic ministry of a specific woman (Ellen Harmon White, who had married James in 1846), they sometimes addressed the role of women in general.

As early as July 30, 1861, Uriah Smith, editor of the Review, reprinted an article from the Portadown News, with these words of approval: "We consider the following a triumphant vindication of the right of the sisters to take part in the public worship of God. The writer applies the prophecy of Joel— 'Your daughters shall prophesy,' etc.—to female preaching; but while it must embrace public speaking of some kind, this we think is but half of its meaning."

In the August 18, 1868, Re view, M. W. Howard spoke of "that conservatism which so readily takes fright at the prominence accorded to a woman."

The topic of women's public role in the Adventist Church resurfaced many times. In 1879 J. N. Andrews and James White wrote articles supporting it, as did G. C. Tenney in an editorial published first in 1892 and re printed in 1894.¹³

An advocate for women

Ellen White became a model and spokesperson for her Adventist women contemporaries. She encouraged women to make full use of their talents in both traditional and untraditional (public) roles. She also asked men to support them. The following three statements illustrate her growing conviction that women should engage in public ministry.

In 1878: "Sisters, God calls you to work in the harvest field and help gather in the sheaves."¹⁴

In 1886: "It was Mary who first preached a risen Jesus; and the refining, softening influence of Christian women is needed in the great work of preaching the truth now."¹⁵

In 1898: "There are women who should labor in the gospel ministry. In many respects they would do more good than the ministers who neglect to visit the flock of God."¹⁶

Ellen White ever upheld the importance of a mother's role in rearing children. Like Christians around her she saw the home as a high-priority mission.¹⁷ Research, however, leads me to conclude that the older Ellen White grew the more emphatic she became about women's place in public ministry.¹⁸

Ellen White was also an outspoken advocate for fair wages and policies affecting women. In 1898, for example, she stated:

"If a woman is appointed by the Lord to do a certain work, her work is to be estimated according to its value. ... It may be thought to be a good plan to allow persons to give talent and earnest labor to the work of God, while they draw nothing from the treasury. . . . God will not put His sanction on any such plan."¹⁹

Women decision-makers

What impact did White's advocacy have upon women and the church? One measure may be the number of women whom the church employed in key leadership roles.

Bertha Dasher has tabulated the number of women leaders listed in the SDA Yearbook for various years. (See graphs.) This study shows that whereas scores of women were once elected to key decision-making roles, today there are almost none. In 1905, for example, women held 20 out of 60 conference treasurer positions. The number of women heading conference departments was even more remarkable. In 1915 approximately two thirds of the 60 educational department leaders and more than 50 of the 60 Sabbath school department leaders were women.

As the graphs show, women's influence as decision-makers in the Seventh-day Adventist Church peaked between 1900 and 1915.

Some of these women held high offices very early in our church history. Three were elected as General Conference treasurer before the turn of the century: Adelia Patten Van Horn (1871 - 1873), Fredricka House Sisley (1875- 1876), and Minerva Jane Loughborough Chapman (1877-1883).

Fewer gained prominence after Ellen White's death in 1915. One was Flora Plummer, whose career began during White's lifetime when she was elected secretary of the Iowa Conference in 1897. Plummer is also the first woman known to have been an acting conference president (when Clarence Santee was called to California in 1900).20 Plummer's most remembered contribution came during the 23 years she led the General Conference Sabbath School Department (1913-1936). No GC Sabbath school leader since has exceeded her record.

Women evangelists and preachers

Another measure of the impact of White's advocacy for women may be shown by the number of Adventist women who have carried ministerial licenses.

Using lists found in old SDA Yearbooks (which were first published in 1883/1884), Josephine Benton discovered at least 53 women licensed as ministers between 1884 and 1975. Most worked in the United States, but some were licensed in Finland, New Zealand, China, and South Africa.

Twenty-eight of these women were granted licenses in the 30 years between 1884 and 1915. From that point on, the numbers decrease steadily. In the 60- year period between 1915 and 1975, only 25 women's names appear on the list. (The cutoff in the late seventies came when the question of women's ordination arose. The church then halted its 100-year practice of issuing ministerial licenses to women.)

Actually, more than 53 women have carried a ministerial license in Adventist history; the SDA Yearbook, like any record, has inaccuracies. Sarah A. Hallock Lindsey's record reflects one such inaccuracy. As a pioneer evangelist among churches in New York during a period marked by apostasy and disarray, she was licensed in 1872.²¹ However, her name does not appear in the SDA Yearbook until 23 years later, in 1895.²²

Records can also be misplaced or overlooked. Helen Stanton Williams (Mrs. E. R. Williams) attended Battle Creek College, became a Bible instructor, a popular camp meeting speaker, and an effective evangelist. According to the SDA Yearbook, she was first licensed in 1897. In 1906 she and her husband became pastors in Chicago, each leading separate churches. Later they were missionaries in South Africa. Late in life Williams was grieved to be accused of lying about having once held a minister's license. A church leader assumed her to be dishonest when he failed to locate the record.²³

Subsequent to Benton's discovery, Bert Haloviak has found names of a dozen women who were issued ministerial licenses by six conferences before 1884. The names of at least two of them, Helen Morse and Ida Ballenger, do not appear in the SDA Yearbooks at all.²⁴ Thus, the total number of Adventist women who have carried a ministerial license is definitely greater than 53.

The importance of ministerial licenses

How important were ministerial licenses to early Adventists? Did women and men receive them on the same basis? Licenses were taken very seriously in the nineteenth century. For example, Haloviak points out that the Michigan Conference adopted a resolution in 1881 asking churches not to "encourage individuals to preach who have not been licensed." ²⁵ For a time, licentiates were tested—each year.

Women "followed the same path to the ministry as that followed by men." ²⁶ They took the same training that men did and passed the same tests. They were paid by local conferences or the General Conference from tithe funds.

Although the emphasis of Adventist ministry did change over time, women were as effective as men in all of these roles—as evangelists, resident ministers, and local pastors.²⁷

Why the decline?

Several factors contributed to the dramatic decline of both Adventist women leaders and licensed ministers. In 1923, for example, church leaders enacted new policies at Autumn Council intended to ensure that departmental leaders would be soul-winners. They recommended that "in the future, home missionary and Missionary Volunteer secretaries be selected who have had successful experience in evangelistic work, preferably ordained ministers." Women had held many departmental positions up until then. These new policies became a key factor in bringing about their demise in church administrative positions, for women were not ordained.²⁸

Socioeconomic trends in the United States made an impact on the church.²⁹ During the Great Depression Adventist leaders enacted policies designed to save the church from financial ruin. Some of these impacted more negatively upon women than men, including wage cuts, mergers of conferences, and term limits for conference positions.³⁰

As budgets constricted, ordained ministers were often the last to lose jobs. Lacking this credential, women were vulnerable.

There were other issues. The number of professionally trained male ministers increased. As men re turned home at the close of World War II, U.S. society gave renewed emphasis to home and mother hood.³¹

Ellen White's death in 1915 must not be underestimated as a factor in women's declining visibility in the church. When an advocate's voice becomes silent, there is less incentive to maintain inclusive policies, especially if leaders have had doubts about them to begin with.

Some had these doubts. If all had agreed with White's view, she would have had no occasion to write the pointed counsel on fair pay noted above.

More women, lesser credentials

Another element contributed to the decline in the number of women issued ministerial licenses since 1915: the subjective judgment of church administrators. Leaders have not always been willing, or have not always received permission, to measure women's ministry by the same criteria used to measure men's.

In all likelihood, the actual number of Adventist women doing evangelistic and ministerial work has increased since 1915. But the number of administrators who have issued appropriate credentials recognizing the content and quality of these women's work has decreased.

Case study

The history of credentialing women in Finland illustrates a trend to give ministerial licenses only to men. The first native Finnish ministerial worker, male or female, in Finland was Alma Bjugg. A former captain in the Salvation Army, she was equipped to be a leader and was so recognized.³²

The SDA Yearbook shows Bjugg (alternatively spelled "Bjdigg") as carrying a minister's license in both 1904 and 1905. Bjugg would then have been 40; she continued in ministry. By 1909 she was receiving a Bible instructor's license. Why wasn't the minister's license renewed? Did the nature of her work actually change or did union or division leaders view it differently?

In fact, as time passed ministerial licenses came to be granted throughout the Adventist Church not on the basis of work but on that of gender.

The statistics for 1949 in Finland is one illustration of this trend. The church there lists 12 ordained ministers. It also lists 12 licensed ministers—all men; and 36 licensed missionaries of whom 25 were women. Among these 25 women, 11 were institutional workers. Of the other 14, nine were considered people who knew them to be holding "ministerial positions." ³³

This estimation is amply backed up by articles describing the women evangelists' crusades in the Northern Light?³⁴ an Adventist newsletter for Europe. In other words, in 1949 at least nine women were not issued credentials that represented the true ministerial nature of their work.

Since the turn of the century between 20 and 40 women in Finland are considered to have done ministerial work.³⁵ Yet Alma Bjugg is the only one known to have carried a minister's license.

Given that this dichotomy had existed for several decades, the Finnish Union in 1968 surprised both the Northern European Division and the General Conference by asking to rectify the situation. What they asked for, however, was not ministerial licenses for women.

Finland wanted to ordain women.³⁶ W. Duncan Eva, president of the Northern European Division, conveyed Finland's question and sought counsel from W. R. Beach, GC secretary.³⁷ Beach replied that Adventists had not ordained women in the past. He suggested that GC and division officers should look "at the problem" during the 1968 Biennial Council.³⁸

These two letters began a 27-year discussion that is still under way.³⁹ Women's ordination remains an issue.

In conclusion

By 1915 scores of Adventist women held decision-making posts. Because the church was relatively small at the time (fewer than 137,000 members world wide), women made up a noticeable proportion of the church's leaders.

But their numbers declined dramatically. By the time World War II ended, Adventist women lost all the ground they had gained in the previous 100 years. They completely vanished from conference leadership. Now, 50 years later, it has become more and more difficult to recall women's former prominence and effectiveness.

In a similar trend, the number of women holding ministerial licenses has also dwindled. During the late 1970s the church halted its 100-year practice of granting ministerial licenses to women.

Despite these tremendous setbacks, there are Adventist women who have kept the faith. Stories of their courage and accomplishments persist. They preach, evangelize, and minister throughout the world, although their work is not appropriately evaluated or recognized.

Is it possible that many Seventh-day Adventists today have forgotten—or never had the chance to learn—about the church's rich and innovative history when Adventist women were welcomed as more equal partners in the church's life, decision-making posts, and gospel mission?